National Service and Canadian Security: Lessons from Scandinavia and Elsewhere

The return of war to Europe with Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has caused many North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) members to re-evaluate and reflect upon their own practices of state sovereignty, defence, and foreign policy. Canada is no different in this regard; Russia’s invasion has indeed highlighted many vulnerabilities in Canada’s defence and security architecture, both pertaining to its NATO commitments in Europe and its ongoing presence in Arctic diplomacy. Projecting an image of Canada as a strong Ally associated with Europe has become a top priority for Prime Minister Mark Carney, particularly following the alienating comments and actions of United States (US) President Donald Trump. Canadian self-sufficiency, and security integration with Europe apart from the US, is vital in this changing geopolitical landscape. At the same time, asserting Canadian sovereignty in the Arctic is becoming incredibly important with the increased presence of Russian, Chinese, and American vessels.

As the severity of the security challenges that Canada faces become more apparent, so have the many institutional problems plaguing the Canadian military. Canada’s military is losing recruits, is dependent on a progressively unreliable US, and is subject to ongoing cultural reform attempts addressing allegations of rampant misconduct. In finding solutions for Canada’s military problems, Canada should lean on and work with its European Allies – particularly those who share Arctic territory. Sustained Russian aggression and pressure from the US have made security self-sufficiency a high priority issue in Europe. Across Europe there has been a related increase in interest for policies of mandatory national service, reflecting a change in security culture that, as an Ally, Canada will need to adapt to. For Canada to take itself seriously – and be taken seriously on the world stage – as an Arctic nation and a strong NATO Ally, it needs to make significant societal changes regarding the nature of national security.

This policy brief highlights how a system of national service inspired by the Scandinavian models could have the potential to both invigorate Canada’s military culture and redefine Canadians’ relationship with national defence. By shifting the understanding of national service away from traditional conflict-oriented military roles and towards a more varied and selective system, Canada could better address its vulnerabilities and strengthen its reputation both domestically and abroad. A shifting of focus of national service away from enforced combat-oriented roles, informed by the Scandinavian example, will also address a cultural scepticism of conscription that remains prevalent throughout Canada. The ongoing and contentious debates among other Canadian allies over alternative national service options highlight the challenging reality of political and cultural responses to such policies among civil society. In considering different models from which to take inspiration for such a system, the selective compulsory national service seen in Norway and Sweden stands out as the most applicable model for the Canadian context.

Models of National Service

While there are currently nine NATO members that enforce a system of mandatory national service, the examples of Nordic countries, encompassing Finland, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark (excluding the demilitarized Iceland), are particularly attractive to Canadian commentators and experts due to similar liberal democratic political values, Arctic security concerns, and NATO membership. In fact, the Nordics represent three different types of conscription models: mandatory service, lottery-driven service, and selective compulsory service.

Mandatory service is seen in Finland as well as other NATO members such as Estonia, Greece, and Türkiye. This system of conscription – in which every male citizen is required to serve in some capacity – would be untenable in a Canadian context. For instance, Finland has a small population of approximately 5.5 million, and a much longer and more conflict-ridden relationship with its dominant neighbour, the Russian Federation. Canada’s geographic insulation, and its larger and more dispersed population of approximately 40 million, makes such a comprehensive conscription system considerably less attractive and less digestible practically or politically.

In Denmark, Latvia, and Lithuania, after mandatory written and health examinations citizens are subject to a lottery-driven conscription. Most position are filled by volunteers, so conscription is heavily limited. In the past decade, nearly 100 percent of those undertaking military service in Denmark were volunteers. Conscripts are otherwise placed in the service of the Emergency Management Agency. However, there are two major reasons why this lottery-based system would be ill-advised for Canada. First, its random selection bears resemblance to the historic system used in the United States during the Vietnam War, which, as discussed below, carries a great degree of cultural influence. This would run the risk of stoking widespread negative reaction merely by association with the hegemonic military and cultural legacy and memory of the US (discussed further below). Secondly, the system of random selection designed primarily to boost the number of military recruits perpetuates an assumption of traditional conflict. It therefore distracts from the need to redefine defence responsibilities of the citizenry to include more than narrow militarised considerations. It may also inhibit the ability to reframe service as a means of providing training opportunities.

Norway and Sweden share a similar system of selective compulsory service, with Sweden taking influence from the pioneering Norwegian model. Norway, while nominally extending mandatory service to all citizens, has a highly competitive system that utilizes mental and physical assessments to select candidates. Sweden’s system of “Total Defence Duty” extends to all Swedish citizens (even abroad) and foreign residents of Sweden. It includes three types of duties: military service, civilian service, and general service obligations in the event of war. In both Norway and Sweden, conscription is determined by a set of questionnaires given to all 18-year-olds. In 2024, civilian service was enacted for the first time since the Cold War ended, incorporating training in emergency services for conscripts identifying as conscientious objectors. While similar in principle to Norway’s system, Sweden differs in its inclusion of mandatory civil service. Reintroduced in 2017, Swedish compulsory civil service provides training in emergency health and energy services.

The variations seen in Sweden and Norway thus serve as more applicable examples for Canadian consideration. While these Scandinavian countries have much smaller land masses and population sizes than Canada, their limited styles of conscription would fit within the Canadian context, particularly with an expanded acceptance of immediate security priorities. The Norway-Sweden system has been taken up by other Allies as a model already – namely Germany. Like Canada, Germany is a federal state, with a healthy amount of scepticism regarding conscription (which it abandoned in 2011) and a population much larger than the Scandinavian countries. In August 2025, the German cabinet passed a draft bill introducing a national service system that took direct inspiration from the Swedish example, with the major difference being that the new system would be voluntary (for now). Once implemented, the system will have all Germans turning 18 sent a questionnaire asking about their physical fitness and if they are interested in volunteering for the military. While the future success of the German policy is unclear, the adoption of a modified Norway-Sweden model of national service shows the system’s potential flexibility to meet the unique requirements of a particular country. It may also serve as an example on adapting the system to the context of a larger and more diverse state.

Contentious and Ongoing Debates amongst Canada’s Allies

In assessing the applicability of Scandinavian models of national service in addressing Canada’s military needs, the consideration of alternative models provides useful context. Mandatory national service options have already been debated by some of Canada’s closest Allies.

During the 2024 United Kingdom (UK) general election, the incumbent Conservative government proposed to introduce a form of mandatory military or civilian service for all 18-year-olds. Denounced by critics as a misguided electioneering stunt, the proposal came from then-Prime Minister Rishi Sunak without the knowledge of some of his cabinet ministers. The announcement from an historically unpopular government, directly preceding an embarrassing election loss, made a punchline out of national service in the UK. However, in June 2025 the Labour government that succeeded Sunak endorsed the consideration of a system of voluntary ‘military gap years’ for young people based on a model offered by the Australian Defence Force.

A similar attempt at volunteer national service is seen in France’s Service National Universel (SNU). Targeted towards French citizens aged 15-17, SNU was explicitly designed as a method of civic education. The potential expansion of SNU to include mandatory participation has been discussed since its creation in 2019. However, the feasibility of national service, personally championed by President Emmanuel Macron, is heavily debated even as a voluntary program. In January 2025, the French Senate voted to slash the SNU budget against Macron’s pleadings.

As these examples illustrate, issues of practical implementation can be of immense importance in the ensuing debate over national service models. Framing and messaging of national service in these debates is also critical. Communicating a logical reason for national service can be disrupted if the messaging is incompatible with the political and cultural realities of the country. A practical policy debate is hindered by the assumption of national service as an ad hoc response to military conflict threatening national existence. Under this assumption, any attempt to explore national service in a security context that is not characterised by imminant invasion is plagued by denunciation as an impractical infringement on civil liberties, as happened in the UK. However, the attempt to bypass controversy by framing national service as primarily a tool of civic education presents the issue of lacking urgency and thus decreasing the sense of priority, as has been seen in France and Australia. It is therefore important to reframe the debate to highlight the security rationale for national service that poses immediate threat without necessarily aligning a relation to combat.

Application to Canada – Immediate Threats and Challenges

A New Security Context: European Projection and Self-Sufficiency

Canada can no longer rely on the myth of its removal from immediate territorial threats. It is no longer, as Raoul Dandurand once famously quipped, “a fire-proof house far from inflammable materials.” The idea that national service is only relevant in the immediate preparation for a war threatening the integrity of national territory is nullified by the existence of numerous present security threats, both stemming from environmental and geopolitical challenges. In the international political context of President Trump questioning Canadian security, Canada’s ability to project the image of a strong, independent military actor are vital for ensuring that it can secure its own borders. The Scandinavian models of self-sufficiency through mandatory national service can be used to address several of Canada’s immediate security challenges.

The Arctic

National service applied to the assertion of Arctic sovereignty may have the benefit of strengthening cultural awareness of Canada’s Arctic identity. It may also strengthen Canadian ties with its Nordic Allies through a shared approach to security, while lessening dependence on the US. Recent government commitments to strengthen Canadian sovereignty in the Arctic include $420 million to expand military operations in the region. Canada may also take note of Denmark’s recent actions. After President Trump made several threatening remarks about his desire for an American acquisition of Greenland, the Danish government made moves to increase its presence in the autonomous territory. This response included admitting women into mandatory national service, increasing the period of service from 4 to 11 months, and raising the number of recruits from approximately 5,000 to 7,500 by 2033. Rather than a traditional military role, the possibilities for Arctic service could include community support, healthcare, and infrastructural maintenance roles.

Environmental Crises

With the increase of environmental crises, most visible through the sharp rise in the number of wildfires across Canada every summer, there is a need to expand national security to address natural disasters. Aiding in environmental catastrophes such as wildfires, floods, or earthquakes has the potential to be a major focus of a civilian national service option in Canada. As an immediate security issue, such environmental crises may serve as a viable justification for national service in public opinion. There is precedent for conscription to fight wildfires in Canada. Under British Columbia’s Wildfire Act (2004), the Crown has the power to “order a person who is 19 years of age or older to assist in fire control”. A Swedish-style compulsory civil service model, which provides emergency training to conscripts, would have potential applications in preparing individuals to assist during environmental crisis events, whether through fighting fires or aiding infrastructural maintenance or emergency response.

Military Culture

Cultural problems have plagued Canada’s military for years, with criticisms coming from both the government and opposition. While the Conservative party calls for the return of pride in the military, the Liberal government has spoken out about the need to address cultural issues of misogyny, racism, and political extremism. Either way, the political milieu has resulted in a drastic decrease in recruitment. The extension of conscription to both men and women in Norway (2013), Sweden (2017), and Denmark (2025) has triggered important cultural discussions in facilitating gender parity. In Denmark, the recent decision has been presented as a way to trigger the military to practically address documented problems of sexual harassment, assault, and discrimination against women while strengthening its capabilities and purpose. The pioneering move by Norway in instituting gender equality in conscription was noted by officials as having triggered significant changes in many areas, including “leadership and organizational culture”. The policy was designed to increase the number of women in the military and remove the assumption that men have a higher suitability for military responsibilities. By providing a sense of duty, purpose, and responsibility, national service can provide a culture of confidence and equality to combat the presence of discriminatory behaviour in the military.

Assessment

The Scandinavian approach to national service is not solely associated with the immediate preparation for defensive war. It carries an encompassing view of national security that focuses on the prevention of conflict and the facilitation of citizen engagement and responsibility. The aggressive rhetoric from President Trump, the war in Ukraine, and the increasingly destructive environmental crises have been cited as reasons to consider the Nordic style of conscription by political commentators in both progressive and conservative publications. This conversation is important in reframing the general association of conscription with the immediate onset of nation-threatening conflict. Canada faces a variety of immediate and projected threats that can be addressed by a rationalized, skills-oriented, and limited system of national service as seen in Norway and Sweden. The Norway-Sweden model facilitates choice and conscientious objection while encouraging the responsibility of citizens to protect their country. However, the prospect of implementing a system of national service in Canada would require taking into account the variabilities of diverse political responses that could be expected to such a proposal.

Reframing Security and Addressing Potential Opposition

There are some notable political and cultural differences that would make a Canadian adoption of Scandinavian conscription policies a challenge. Some experts contend that the likelihood of Canadian implementation of mandatory national service policy remains low, both due to projected issues related to public opinion and constitutional challenges. A potential court challenge regarding civil liberties under S.7 of Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms could be a barrier to any national service legislation not related to an imminent threat to Canadian sovereignty. While the notwithstanding clause of the Charter could be used by parliament to advance a policy of national service against such challenges, such a move would inevitably prove contentious. The current Liberal government’s desire to limit use of the notwithstanding clause makes any potential use against a civil liberties challenge unlikely. Additionally, public opinion challenges may stem from historic cultural influences related to the US, where there is a strong distrust of conscription associated with the experiences of the Vietnam War in the 1960s-70s. The legacy of Canada’s willingness to harbour over 50,000 draft-age American men and women during the Vietnam War lends some credence to a potential distaste for mandatory service. While opposition to national service along libertarian lines has been voiced, Canada’s own historical experience with anti-conscription riots in Quebec during the First World War serves as a more significant cultural influence. In modern circumstances, however, such concerns can be addressed by adapting a new conception of what mandatory national service entails, as inspired by the Norway-Sweden example.

The emphasis on a broad definition of security to encompass climate crisis preparedness, Arctic sovereignty, and other civil duties can serve to adapt the public assumption of the meaning of national service. An August 2025 poll by the Angus Reid Institute noted that, while mandatory service in the military remains a contentious issue among respondents – with 44% opposing and 43% supporting – other alternative service options were much more popular. Public health support service saw 74% support, while environmental support saw 73% support. The general sympathy towards national civilian service and the relative distaste for military service is in line with the historic association of military conscription with involuntary participation in far-flung conflict overseas (such as Quebecois perceptions that imperialism was the motivating factor behind the First World War, or likewise the imperialist imagery associated with the Vietnam War by so-called ‘draft dodgers’).

In addition, national service can be highlighted as an important opportunity for investment in developing and applying the skills of young Canadians. The aforementioned poll by the Angus Reid Institute recorded the popularity of this aspect of national service, showing that 82% of respondents thought mandatory civilian service would improve the personal development of young adults. The mandatory questionnaire system used in the Norway-Sweden model can be used to gauge skills, aptitude, and interest in order to provide training where needed and encourage healthy competition for placements. Such a policy could be incorporated into an expansion of existing components of the Canadian Armed Forces, such as the Canadian Rangers. As explored by Valeriia Gusieva, the Rangers already represent a bridge between Canadian defence priorities in the Arctic and the utilisation of unique cultural knowledge found among Indigenous communities. There is great potential in the Canadian Rangers as a way to align the development of Canada’s human potential with the assertion of its sovereignty and security.

There may be an inclination to avoid public stigma against conscription by implementing a voluntary national service system, which would align Canada with France, as well as the current debates in Germany and the UK. Such an option would be less effective in addressing Canadian defence needs or in advancing an association between Canadians and national security than the selective compulsory system seen in Norway and Sweden. The Norway-Sweden model, though officially mandatory, provides a level of flexibility that facilitates an essentially voluntary system which nonetheless communicates the imperative need for security awareness and preparedness. The voluntary system in France exists instead as a compromise paired with an official desire for expansion to compulsory service. As such, they remain vulnerable to the changing whims of the legislature. The mandatory nature of national service, paired with an allowance for effective decision-making on the part of those compelled to fill in the assessment questionnaire, is necessary in order to align the redefined security focus and cultural reforms with an appreciation of the longstanding traditions associated with the Canadian military.

Therefore, the implementation of national service in Canada, in aid of fulfilling its international obligations, NATO Alliance pressures, and strategic vulnerabilities, would be best aligned with a system inspired by the Norway-Sweden model. In redefining the popular image of national security to include the immediate yet non-conflict-oriented threats of climate disasters and Arctic sovereignty assertion, national service can be disassociated from traditional military conflict and instead integrated into the public image of civic responsibility.